Asset forfeiture is a mockery of the Bill of Rights. There is no presumption of innocence, no need to prove you guilty (or even charge you with a crime), no right to a jury trial, no right to confront your accuser, no right to a court-appointed attorney (even if the government has just stolen all your money), and no right to compensation for the property that's been taken.
You can't give the government the power to do good without also giving it the power to do bad - in fact, to do anything it wants.
Interpretation
What this quote means
Granting power to the government for good purposes can also enable it to exercise power for negative ends.
This quote by Harry Browne highlights the inherent duality of government power. While the intention may be to empower the government to enact positive change, such as social welfare or protection, it simultaneously opens the door for potential misuse of that power, leading to negative outcomes that could infringe on individual freedoms and rights. Therefore, one must be cautious about how much authority is entrusted to the government, as it can be leveraged for both benevolent and malevolent purposes.
Themes
In practice
Example use cases
This quote is useful in a debate about governmental policy and authority.
More from Harry Browne
All quotes βGovernment seems to operate on the principle that if even one individual is incapable of using his freedom competently, no one can be allowed to be free.
Conservatives say the government can't end poverty by force, but they believe it can use force to make people moral. Liberals say government can't make people be moral, but they believe it can end poverty. Neither group attempts to explain why government is so clumsy and destructive in one area but a paragon of efficiency and benevolence in the other.
No one ever died from smoking marijuana, but millions of people have died by believing politicians.
When you know that you're capable of dealing with whatever comes, you have the only security the world has to offer.
A great burden was lifted from my shoulders the day I realized that no one owes me anything.
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Foreign policy is an explicitly amoral enterprise.
The framers of our Constitution understood the dangers of unbridled government surveillance. They knew that democracy could flourish only in spaces free from government snooping and interference, and they put restraints on government overreaching in the Fourth Amendment of the Bill of Rights. . . . These protections require, at a minimum, a neutral arbiter - a magistrate - standing between the government's endless desire for information and the citizens' desires for privacy.
Here in Minnesota, we don't only welcome immigrants; we send them to Washington.